There were 2 types of sampling identified among the included studies. On the one hand, there were some studies that implemented a daily diary, which typically entails an end-of-day report. On the other hand, other AA studies comprised different numbers of daily assessments and diverse types of prompt contingencies. The duration of the AA ranged from 4 to 35 days. The most commonly implemented study duration was 14 days.

Although a large proportion of the studies (63/70, 90%) used a fixed or random scheduled prompt structure, a range of studies incorporated an event-contingent design [40-45]. Indeed, SA determinants, correlates, and consequences are particularly triggered in interpersonal situations, and event-contingent designs may be suitable for detecting relevant moments. Finally, studies such as those by Daniel et al [24], Helbig-Lang et [46], and Kashdan et al [20] included a mix of different types of data collection, combining random prompt, event-contingent, and end-of-day records.

Compliance rates typically indicate the percentage of prompts or days that the participants completed on average. Compliance rates ranged from 40% to 95%, with average compliance across studies of 73.72% of prompts (SD 15.93%; median 80%).

The vast majority of the studies (61/70, 87%) used hierarchical linear models to account for the nested nature of the collected data. A total of 4% (3/70) of the studies used a combination of hierarchical linear models and structural equation modeling [43,45,79], 1% (1/70) of the studies used machine learning techniques [47], 3% (2/70) of the studies calculated ANOVA models [23,42], and 1% (1/70) of the studies ran ordinary least squares regression [48].

Naragon-Gainey [43] explored structural models of affect and internalizing symptoms. While the between-person variance in negative affect (NA) and concurrent levels of NA predicted SA, positive affect (PA) did not. This lack of significance contradicted many other AA studies that yielded significant between-person associations between lower levels of PA and higher levels of NA with SA [16,20,30,54,57,58,61,69,70].

Individuals with SAD showed not only higher overall levels of NA but also more emotional instability, which was not the case for PA [16]. These authors even suggested that the interaction between NA and instability could explain the appearance of SAD.

As suggested by Rozen and Aderka [84], there is a wide range of discrete emotions that have not been integrated into classic models of SAD. In that sense, AA allows for a nuanced study of single emotions and how they are interconnected not only with each other but also with other cognitive-affective processes and behaviors.

First, Kashdan and Collins [70] revealed that SA was related to less time spent feeling happy and relaxed and more time spent feeling angry. The results also showed that happy moments were aroused in companion to others. The fact that SA was associated with fewer and less intense positive emotions and more anger episodes was independent of being with others or alone.

Oren-Yagoda et al [35] investigated the role of envy, showing that visual modes of communication are related to elevated envy compared to voice or text communication. In addition, envy predicted subsequent anxiety above and beyond previous anxiety as well as other negative emotions.

Loneliness is a defining emotion of people with SAD, and Oren-Yagoda et al [36] found that this relationship was also confirmed in an ecological setting using AA. A significant association was predicted in certain social situations (ie, negativity, positivity, and meaningfulness). Moreover, the relationship between loneliness and anxiety was shown to be reciprocal in individuals with SAD (loneliness predicted anxiety and anxiety predicted loneliness). This deleterious reciprocity was not found in healthy controls.

Finally, Oren-Yagoda et al [34] investigated the fluctuations of pride in individuals diagnosed with SAD. The results indicated that levels of pride were lower in patients with SAD than in nondiagnosed controls, although when pride was experienced, it predicted a reduction in anxiety levels.

Emotion regulation (ER) was by far the most explored construct among the studies that implemented AA in individuals with SA. This may be explained by the fact that ER is a dynamic process, and AA is very suitable for detecting affect changes and fluctuations in daily life. In addition, not only are ER and SA symptoms highly context sensitive, but mounting research has also shown their interdependence [85], which justifies the importance of exploring how individuals with SAD use ER in daily life.

Several studies explored only 1 strategy. For example, Kashdan et al [20] found that individuals with SAD experienced greater experiential avoidance than healthy individuals. Using the same sample, Kashdan et al [21] found that momentary experiential avoidance presented a stronger association with anxiety during social interactions for individuals with SAD than for individuals without SAD.

Similarly, another study explored the role of emotional suppression, demonstrating that, on days in which SA symptoms increased, the use of suppression tended also to increase [61,69]. The same was found by Beltzer et al [23], who identified that days with high levels of SA and expressive suppression led to fewer positive emotions.

Farmer and Kashdan [61] implemented a 2-week diary, showing that high SA was related to positive emotion suppression, fewer positive social events, and fewer positive emotions on subsequent days. In contrast, low SA was associated with fewer negative social events on the days after cognitive reappraisal was used to reduce distress. However, the use of cognitive reappraisal did not lead to any changes in people with high SA.

Meanwhile, Farmer and Kashdan [16] found that individuals with SAD were 3 times more likely to present acute shifts in NA, which may be a particular experience of this anxiety disorder and not others. This acute shift in NA may lead to experiencing emotions as uncontrollable and threatening, which in turn could explain the higher use of suppression.

Goodman et al [63] showed that alcohol consumption moderated the negative association between SA and a range of healthy social interactions such as laughter or feelings of acceptance; that is, SA was not related to the perceived quality of interpersonal interactions when participants consumed alcohol, suggesting that alcohol consumption may be a reinforcer of SA. These findings suggest that ER plays a central role in the experience of individuals with SAD who try to explicitly control their emotions and are aware of the effort they make to do so. In a different but related study, Goodman and Kashdan [29] found that both anxiety and pain were interfering factors in goal attainment, as well as finding an inverse association between daily meaning in life and perceived emotion-related goal interference.

Alcohol consumption and SAD are highly comorbid given that, among individuals with SAD, it is frequent to resort to alcohol as a coping strategy or, in other words, as an ER strategy. By means of AA, it is possible to detect how these 2 phenomena are interrelated. Therefore, several studies explored this topic. Battista et al [52] examined the relationship between alcohol consumption and SA, revealing that, after each alcoholic drink consumed, SA tended to decrease 2 hours later. Contrary to what the authors expected, this association was not explained by the level of trait SA.

Goodman et al [63] showed that alcohol consumption moderated the negative association between SA and a range of healthy social interactions such as laughter or feelings of acceptance; that is, alcohol consumption SA was no longer related to the perceived quality of interpersonal interactions, suggesting that SA may be a reinforcer of SA. This reinforcement could be either negative (attenuation of anxiety) or positive (better perception of social situations), which was the main finding of Goodman et al [64]. The results of this study yielded evidence supporting the negative reinforcement hypothesis such that people with SAD presented higher coping motives (negative reinforcers) but equal levels of affiliation motives (positive reinforcers).

Walukevich-Dienst et al [80] revealed that consuming substances as a coping strategy in SA is related to heavier consumption, especially on drinking days, which may be a risk factor for the development of an alcohol use disorder. Moreover, when there were SA coping motives, the consequences were more negative compared to days without SA coping motives. Interestingly, levels of SA at baseline were not moderators of these associations, indicating that the coping motive is more important than the antecedent levels of SA.

Kim and Kwon [73] showed that individuals with SAD had a higher increase rate of alcohol craving when they were tense and lonely and experiencing SA in comparison to individuals without a diagnosis of SAD. These results were moderated by the rate of rumination in the SAD group and avoidance in the non-SAD group. O’Grady et al [75] explored the role of social-contextual events in the relationship between trait SA and drinking. The results revealed a positive association between trait SA and drinking on the evenings of days in which the individuals experienced an embarrassing situation. This was significantly higher than in healthy participants, suggesting a behavioral maladaptive ER strategy to cope with the intensified levels of SA.

In addition, Buckner et al [56] studied the association between SA, cannabis use, cannabis craving, and situational variables. This study showed that SA interacted with cannabis craving predicting cannabis use, which sets out a complex relationship between SA and cannabis use and not a simple association (ie, cannabis use as a response to increased state SA).

In the study by Buckner et al [57], they showed that baseline SA was associated with increases in NA throughout the days in which the participants were monitored but was also significantly associated with postquit withdrawal. Participants with higher levels of SA presented more severe postquit withdrawal symptoms as well as an increase in NA during a cessation attempt. For this reason, the authors suggested that those participants may particularly benefit from intervention and treatment strategies.

Finally, Papp et al [76] found that students with higher levels of SA presented a stronger association between NA and prescription misuse. This study included externalizing and internalizing symptoms (depression and SA symptoms), and moderation was shown to be significant only for internalizing symptoms. This may indicate differential patterns of substance use as an ER strategy according to different personality traits.

Some studies incorporated a range of ER strategies in the AA process, which is in line with the current idea of polyregulation, that is, that individuals usually implement a range of strategies simultaneously [86]. For example, Daros et al [25] measured various strategies, and after clustering through a factorial analysis, 2 categories of ER strategies were considered for the analyses: avoidant and engagement strategies. However, the authors did not find any significant results for these 2 macrocategories.

On the basis of the model by Gross, Blalock et al [14] examined both suppression and cognitive reappraisal in SA in comparison to healthy individuals. Both groups presented worse emotional experiences when they suppressed positive versus negative emotions as well as when reappraising negative versus positive emotions. This suggests that suppression may be an adaptive strategy not to feel negative emotions, whereas reappraisal may be effective in increasing positive states. Interestingly, individuals with SAD showed more positive emotions after reappraising negative emotional states to feel fewer negative emotions than the healthy controls.

However, none of these previous examples explicitly framed their studies under the concept of emotion polyregulation, as did Ladis et al [26]. By including 8 strategies (problem-solving, introspection, distraction, acceptance, thought suppression, seeking advice, cognitive reappraisal, and expressive suppression), the authors systematically explored how often polyregulation occurs in daily life. Overall, the results yielded nonsignificant SA correlates of polyregulation, suggesting that it may be more dependent on within-person differences.

In addition to polyregulation, flexibility has been shown to be central in ER literature to distinguish adaptive from maladaptive regulatory processes [87]. Given that flexibility is mostly dependent on context, AA emerges as a very useful tool. O’Toole et al [38] investigated this specific topic in individuals with high and low SA and considered type and intensity as 2 contextual factors. This study revealed that SA moderated the relationship between emotion intensity and experiential avoidance. In individuals with high SA, there was a stronger association between experiential avoidance and specific emotions, such as guilt, nervousness, and sadness.

The study conducted by Beltzer et al [23] presents an illustrative example of how ER can be better explained by contextual triggers than by the adaptative or maladaptive continuum. The authors created an algorithm based on the 10 most used strategies to generate an ecological momentary intervention (EMI) based on contextual triggers. This algorithm was tested with a group of strategies (disengagement, engagement, and aversive cognitive perseveration) and with 10 individual single strategies compared with a random policy and a behavior policy, with ER effectiveness being the observed outcome. The contextual algorithm improved other policies in cases in which the top 10 strategies were considered separately. However, when the strategies were grouped into categories, the algorithm did not outperform the random recommender or the observed ER strategies.

Goodman et al [32] also explored ER flexibility considering 2 components of flexibility: the evaluation of contextual demands and matching regulatory strategies to contextual demands. The results indicated that people with SAD considered momentary assessments to be more anxiety provoking while presenting similar patterns to those of control participants when gauging contextual demands, particularly those related to perceived controllability. That is, some disengagement strategies (rumination, thought suppression, and expressive suppression) were found to be unrelated to perceived controllability. This means that these strategies were used independently of perceived controllability in a certain context. However, contrary to previous results, participants with SAD yielded similar patterns to those of control participants in response to anxiety intensity.

Higher anxiety ratings predicted greater use of all strategies regardless of the type of strategy used. In addition, this study showed that people with SAD may be more prone to use thought suppression but not engagement strategies, which is inconsistent with previous studies.

In other studies, a specific component of the heterogeneous and complex process of ER was explored. Although most clinical research on ER tends to simplify the discussion on putatively maladaptive (eg, expressive suppression) or adaptive (eg, cognitive reappraisal) strategies, there is a range of potential explanatory variables that set a more complex scenario than implementing certain strategies or not. For example, one study [24] investigated the perception of ER effectiveness, which is based on a robust research line that revolves around how goals shape and determine ER deployment and outcomes [88]. Daniel et al [24] found that, depending on the way in which effectiveness is measured (either judgment of effectiveness or change in affect), the results differ. While the judgment of effectiveness indicates that avoidance‐oriented ER attempts are less effective than engagement‐oriented ER attempts, changes in self-reported effects following ER attempts present the opposite results.

Similarly, Goodman et al [18] explored the extent to which beliefs of ER determine the use of specific patterns. In laboratory settings, De Castella et al [89] demonstrated that individuals with SAD presented low emotional self-efficacy, or the belief that emotions cannot be changed, but the results obtained by Goodman et al [18] provide ecological validity to a result that confirms the interdependency between cognitions and emotions [90].

Another approach is to calculate ER diversity, defined as the variety, frequency, and evenness of the implemented ER. Finally, Daniel et al [22] studied whether ER diversity predicted SA severity. The results showed that diversity within avoidance-oriented strategies was associated with both trait and state SA levels. At a more specific level of analysis, participants who responded more evenly and deployed a vast array of avoidance-oriented strategies more frequently were more prone to belonging to the high-SA group.

Another important aspect that has been of increasing interest in the ER literature is linked to convergent processes such as emotion clarity and differentiation. Emotion clarity is defined as the ability to identify, distinguish, and describe specific emotions [91]. Park and Naragon-Gainey [45] found that lower momentary clarity was related to increases in subsequent momentary internalizing symptoms (ie, anxiety and depressive symptoms). This association was explained by an unsuccessful use of ER.

A total of 4% (3/70) of the studies examined emotion differentiation in individuals with SAD [19,37,48]. Emotion differentiation is conceptualized as the ability to recognize, identify, and label broad emotional experiences into discrete emotion categories [92]. Kashdan and Farmer [19] demonstrated that an increase in SA symptoms is linked to an impairment in negative emotion differentiation (ie, the ability to label and describe differences among negative emotions). In particular, it was found that negative emotion differentiation plays a relevant role in implementing more effective ER strategies. For example, Seah et al [48] conducted 2 studies that showed that negative emotion differentiation moderated the positive relationship between rumination and social avoidance. Similarly, O’Toole et al [37] showed that individuals with both high SA and poor negative emotion differentiation presented the least use of cognitive reappraisal. In addition, individuals with high SA used more suppression strategies despite the ability to differentiate positive emotions.

Although the most common variable that has been studied in individuals with SAD is postevent processing (PEP), there is a great overlap between PEP and rumination. In essence, both revolve around the perseverative thinking of past events, but PEP is strictly related to social interactions, including an important component of the actual interventions that both the individual and the others may have done or said. In total, 6% (4/70) of the studies used AA to examine processes related to PEP and rumination.

Helbig-Lang et al [46] studied individuals diagnosed with SAD to explore predictors of higher PEP levels. The results showed that higher PEP was predicted by self-attention, NA, social performance situations, and the use of safety behaviors. In addition, Badra et al [50] investigated PEP in a nonclinical sample of undergraduate students with high and low SA scores. Although no differences were detected between the groups, PEP was reduced to a single item, and no additional information on the social context was collected, which could have affected the results.

Another study that explored PEP showed that it decreased after a speech task [68]. The between-level average differed from the person-specific trajectories. This was the case not only for the decrease in PEP after the speech task but also in the temporal cascading relationship between PEP and the next measurement of PEP. The level of anxiety in the speech task predicted engagement in PEP, and this activated a more intense experience of the negative balanced memory, indicating the interconnectedness of cognitive-affective processes.

Bailey et al [51] studied perseverative cognition (worry and rumination) using physiological measures and found that there was a higher use of this type of repetitive thinking related to lower heart rate variability after negative social interactions. Finally, potential changes in momentary PEP throughout treatment were explored by Katz et al [41] showing that cognitive behavioral group therapy reduced levels of PEP.

In total, 3% (2/70) of the studies explored mind wandering, which is both an interesting and controversial topic. Traditionally, it was considered that mind wandering was just a negative process given that it was linked to the opposite of having a mindful disposition. However, the latest research has shown that it could be related to less boredom, more creativity, and a better mental health state [93].

In the study by Arch et al [49], the authors investigated differences in the frequency, range of content, and correlates of internal off-task thinking (ie, mind wandering). Relative to on-task thinking, internal off-task thinking was associated with worse mood, more self-focus, and less thought controllability for those with SAD compared to healthy controls. In addition, participants with SAD engaged in internal unrelated task thinking more frequently than those in the control group and presented more unintentional mind wandering on a trait questionnaire.

Geyer et al [62] investigated the association between NA in social interactions and perceived enjoyment of those interactions to explore specific real-time contributors to negative perceptions often experienced by individuals with SA. The results revealed that this association was more negative when SA was more severe, although the sample consisted of undiagnosed individuals.

Meanwhile, Blalock et al [15] studied the experience of flow in social and nonsocial situations in individuals with SAD and healthy participants. The results were contrary to the hypotheses, revealing that individuals with SAD presented flow more frequently in social situations than healthy participants. The authors explained this unexpected result using the concept of flow, which includes the component of experiencing a challenging situation as a defining feature. It is reasonable to think that people with SAD experience normal social interactions as more challenging than healthy participants.

In one study, the association between sexual activity and SA was explored in nonclinical individuals [71]. As could be expected, sexual activity was influenced by SA such that individuals with SA reported their sexual episodes as less pleasurable and reported being less connected with their partners as well as presenting a lower frequency of sexual activity. Overall, these results suggest that sexual activity is not fulfilling when experiencing SA.

Goodman et al [30] conducted 2 AA studies in which they concluded that, although individuals with SAD present fewer and less satisfying social relationships, they enjoy social interactions when they occur, which might indicate that they are happier with others than alone. In other words, experiencing SA and the relative concern about socializing does not hinder the pleasure of socializing.

These results are aligned with those of other 2 studies conducted on undergraduate students [54,83], which showed that SA was not related to a lower desire to be with others. However, in the study by Brown et al [54], a preference for solitude was found in interactions with unfamiliar people.

Villanueva et al [39] revealed that individuals with SAD presented a higher number of social interactions through their mobile phones than the control group. They were also the group with the least number of social interactions (vs the control group and individuals with depression). In-person interactions (ie, face-to-face) were revealed to be less related to increases in NA and decreases in PA.

In the study by Doorley et al [27], no significant association was found between the medium of communication (ie, digital vs face-to-face communication) and SA. That is, in both media, there was an association between SA and less positive and more negative emotions. Oren-Yagoda and Aderka [33] also explored media of communication in individuals diagnosed with SAD. In this case, the focus was on the media of communication and the associated perceptions and emotions. Individuals with SAD usually preferred to use voice and text media to a greater extent than visual media. However, the authors found that, despite this preference, when visual media were implemented, immediate increases in positive perceptions and emotions were experienced by people with SAD. These results support the idea that the selected medium functions as a safety behavior.

Meanwhile, Russell et al [44] revealed that individuals with SAD presented higher levels of submissive behavior and lower levels of dominant behavior compared to control participants. However, this was true in the presence of anxiety-eliciting cues, which means that there are certain situations that can be perceived as safe environments. In contexts of emotional security, all individuals with SAD presented an enhanced agreeable and deceased quarrelsome behavior, also meaning that there might be situations of security in which individuals with SAD can respond to positive appraisals with enhanced affiliative behavior.

Hur et al [66] found that individuals with SAD benefit more from having close friends, family members, and romantic partners in terms of resulting in lower levels of NA, anxiety, and depression compared to control participants. However, they tend to spend less time with those companions. These results emphasize the intact capacity of individuals with SAD to enhance their mood through social interactions.

In this line, Hannah Lee [65] obtained consistent results, suggesting a tight connection between the levels of SA and the degree of unfamiliarity and judgmentalness in the interactions. Namely, individuals with higher levels of SA presented a stronger association with the 2 processes as a consequence of being more sensitive to experiencing anxiety when facing interactions of the same level of unfamiliarity and judgmentalness compared to people with lower levels of trait SA.

Čolić et al [59] were the first to explore depersonalization and derealization in embarrassing situations. They showed that people with SAD presented more embarrassing social interactions than control participants, and as a result, they also presented more depersonalization and derealization, which can be seen as responses to strong emotions (including embarrassment) as well as attempts to cope with situational challenges.

Social comparison is another important aspect to explore in individuals with SAD given that they usually tend to see themselves with a negative self-image [94,95]. In another study, Brown et al [54] showed that SA was associated with greater self-consciousness, which can also be aligned with the negative self-view that characterizes SAD.

Goodman et al [31] found that SA is related to less favorable and more unstable social comparisons, which can be explained by a negative self-image. Moreover, they demonstrated that, when people with SAD make less favorable social comparisons, they are especially fearful of others’ evaluations.

In a recent study, Brown et al [55] investigated interpersonal distress in heightened SA symptoms as predictors of suicidal ideation. Specifically, this study showed that hurdles to seeking social support and social comparisons mediated suicidal ideation.

Models of SAD have emphasized the central role of fear of evaluation in the appearance and maintenance of this clinical condition. This construct has been included in cognitive models related to attentional biases and negative interpretations of the self [96-98]. Although negative evaluation was considered a core dimension in early models of SAD, fear of positive evaluation has emerged as an important topic in recent years [78,99].

Another study explored anxiety sensitivity cognitive concerns and fear of negative evaluation as 2 potential predictors of SA amplification. Anxiety sensitivity cognitive concerns were shown to uniquely amplify arousal as a consequence of social stress, whereas fear of negative evaluation predicted anxiety fluctuations, indicating that these 2 cognitive constructs may be associated with SA in different ways [79].

By implementing 2 AA studies, Reichenberger et al [78] explored the interaction of both positive and negative evaluation, affect, and stress reactivity. Although the results were not fully in line with the hypotheses, fear of negative evaluation was negatively associated with PA. In addition, the results revealed that the closeness of the relationships was paramount to determine when the interaction was significant, with closer relationships being less anxiety provoking. Consistent with these results, positive and negative feedback seeking has been shown to be higher in individuals with SAD than in healthy participants [81], all of which is aligned with the mounting evidence developed in cross-sectional or laboratory settings. Similarly, Doorley et al [28] demonstrated that self-perceived intense positive events, which are normally reduced in SA, paradoxically provided more psychological benefits (reduced anxiety and motivation toward social situations as well as an increased sense of belonging).

Moreover, Nanamori et al [74] studied triggers of self-focused attention, which is another key component of classic cognitive models of SAD. The results showed that perception of gaze, evaluation, and authority predicted self-focused attention from the observer’s perspective, whereas perception of gaze also predicted self-focus on body sensation. Moreover, the perception of positive response and that of a stranger predicted self-focus on body sensation hinged on sex, suggesting that the positive response perception of female participants acted as a predictor of the self-focus on body sensation.

Daniel et al [83], Katz et al [41], and Kivity and Huppert [72] implemented AA to explore the course of treatment. In the case of Katz et al [41], PEP, a putative maintenance factor of SA symptoms, was assessed over the course of a cognitive behavioral therapy intervention with a subset of the 60 included participants answering an AA. The intervention yielded significant reductions in both general and momentary PEP, and both types of PEP were significant predictors of SA severity after treatment.

Another study was conducted by Kivity and Huppert [72]. It explored how ER in individuals with high and low SA responded to a practice of cognitive reappraisal using self-report, laboratory tasks, and daily diaries. Although the group with high SA presented lower symptom severity and greater self-efficacy of reappraisal, daily anxiety was not significantly different.

Daniel et al [83] conducted a randomized controlled trial testing whether cognitive bias modification for interpretation could decrease negative interpretation bias. Both the active and control conditions received an AA throughout the treatment period (5 weeks). While the active group also received cognitive bias modification training, the control group only answered the AA. A total of 2 publications were identified from this study, reporting self-report and passive sensing outcome measures. Despite the interesting approach of incorporating multimodal assessment, both analyses yielded nonsignificant results.

Over the last few years, new advancements in wearable sensors and biosensors have enabled us to incorporate them into AA studies. In the case of SA, this has led to a considerable body of evidence. Specifically, Bailey et al [51], Boukhechba et al [53], Chow et al [58], Daniel et al [82], Di Matteo et al [60], and Jacobson et al [47] conducted studies using sensors (GPS location and accelerometers) and biosensors (heart rate and heart rate variability).

Bailey et al [51] investigated perseverative cognition in relation to the parasympathetic nervous system, which is considered of utmost relevance in the regulation of stress and emotions [100]. In this study, individuals with both depression and SAD were monitored, and individuals with SAD presented the highest frequency of daily perseverative cognition, which was statistically associated with lower heart rate variability, moderated by negative social interactions. Jacobson and Bhattacharya [67] showed that spending time indoors was associated with anxiety and avoidance symptoms, and this association was significantly higher in individuals with SAD than in those with generalized anxiety disorder.

Boukhechba et al [53] and Chow et al [58] used GPS and Jacobson et al [47] used an accelerometer to demonstrate the capability of passive sensing to predict the severity of SA symptomology according to the level of activity. Moreover, Di Matteo et al [60] designed an app to capture ambient audio, GPS location, screen state, and light sensor data, and this app was shown to be able to identify SAD patterns of behavior in a relatively accurate way.

Although a vast array of studies included heterogeneous samples in terms of their diagnosis, only Piccirillo and Rodebaugh [77] had the objective of exploring SAD and major depressive disorder comorbidity, aiming to model person-specific trajectories of cognitive-affective and behavioral dimensions related to these disorders. By including only cisgender women with comorbid SAD and major depressive disorder, this study showed the utmost relevance in disentangling between-person, within-person, and person-specific patterns. For example, loneliness was revealed to be a common predictor of depressive mood and social avoidance at the group level; however, this was not the case when examining the idiographic networks.

Only 1% (1/70) of the studies examined potential variations between different cultural groups. Lee et al [42] explored differences between European Americans and Asian Americans, showing that both groups experienced the same number of anxious events during social situations but Asian Americans presented more negative emotions in those moments.